More Than an Opening Ceremony: Wushu, Youth, and Soft Power in Tianjin

by Sunny Zhang

Coming back from the World Junior Wushu Championships in Tianjin, one thing has stayed with me as vividly as Team USA’s historic medal performance: the opening ceremony. It made visible something that often remains implied in international sport; wushu, Chinese martial arts, often referred to in the West as kung fu, and including style such as tai chi, was being presented not simply as a competitive discipline, but as a cultural statement. What I heard in the ceremony’s symbolism and staging was a clear message that wushu is a treasure of China and, at the same time, something meant to be shared with the world. The official theme—“Wushu Connects the World, Youth in Harmony”—captured that ambition directly. This was not just a championship opening; it was a carefully staged claim about heritage, harmony, youth, and global belonging.

It matters when wushu is portrayed with a cultural statement and global outlook. That framing matters because wushu is very dense with cultural meaning. Unlike many globally circulating sports that can appear more detached from their place of origin, wushu travels with visible links to Chinese philosophy, aesthetics, discipline, and embodied values. Even the broader discourse around taijiquan, one of the best-known branches of wushu worldwide, is framed through ideas of balance and harmony. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) recent materials describe taijiquan as intangible cultural heritage shared by humanity and note its spread to more than 180 countries and regions. In other words, the Tianjin ceremony was not inventing a connection between wushu and ideals such as harmony or civilizational continuity; it was amplifying meanings already embedded in the global presentation of Chinese martial arts (UNESCO, 2025).

This is where the concept of soft power becomes useful. Nye (2017) defines soft power as the ability to shape the preferences of others through attraction and persuasion rather than coercion or payment. In sport studies, this idea has been extended to show how states and institutions could also use sport to generate legitimacy, admiration, familiarity, and influence among foreign publics (Dubinsky, 2019; Grix & Lee, 2013). Opening ceremonies are especially important in this regard because they are moments when a host tells a story about itself to a transnational audience. As Arning (2013) argues in his semiotic analysis of Olympic opening ceremonies, such spectacles do not simply entertain; they also symbolically project ideology, identity, and soft power. From that angle, Tianjin’s opening ceremony did more than welcome athletes. It narrated a version of China through wushu—ancient yet modern, rooted yet open, culturally specific yet globally resonant.

What struck me most was how strongly the ceremony tied wushu to a cluster of values often associated with official Chinese cultural discourse: heritage, harmony, youth, future, and modernity. These were not presented as contradictory terms. Instead, the event suggested that they naturally belong together. Heritage was not shown as something dusty or static. Harmony was not presented as passive. Youth was not framed as a break from tradition. The ceremony seemed to argue that wushu could hold these categories together: it could preserve cultural inheritance while projecting an image of vitality, innovation, and international relevance. In that sense, the message was not only that China possesses something valuable, but that what it possesses has world-making potential.

That message also aligns with the institutional trajectory of wushu’s internationalization. The International Wushu Federation (IWUF) now has 162 member nations across five continents, and its constitution explicitly names international exchange, cooperation, standardization, and the global popularization of wushu among its core objectives (IWUF, 2021). Wushu’s inclusion as an official sport in the Dakar 2026 Youth Olympic Games marks another major step in this process. Tianjin, then, was not merely a junior championship in isolation. It was part of a longer project of making wushu legible within global sport governance—through rules, judging systems, federation structures, training pipelines, and youth development pathways (Han et al., 2021; Tzeng et al., 2023).

And yet, this is where the story becomes more complicated and, from a Physical Cultural Studies (PCS) perspective, more interesting. PCS analyzes physical culture within broader social, political, economic, and technological contexts and to examine how active bodies become organized, represented, and experienced in relation to power (Silk & Andrews, 2011). The PCS framework is explicit on the point that “embodiment is never neutral” (Hargreaves & Vertinsky, 2007, p.10), and physical culture is one of the places where social power is reproduced and contested. Seen this way, the bodies on display in Tianjin were not simply athletic bodies. They were also communicative bodies. They were helping to tell a story about what China is, what wushu means, and what kind of global future this practice is being invited into.

This is especially important because wushu’s globalization has always involved tension. On one hand, internationalization promises reach, visibility, legitimacy, and exchange. On the other hand, it requires translation and standardization. The more practice is made portable within international sport systems, the more it must be codified, judged, disciplined, and rendered comparable across contexts. Existing scholarship on wushu’s Olympic ambitions has shown this clearly. Theeboom et al. (2017) argue that the international development of wushu has long involved a tension between enrichment and compromise: wushu is promoted as something culturally distinctive that can add diversity to global sport, yet that same distinctiveness must often be softened or reformatted to fit dominant institutional models. Similarly, Han et al. (2021) show that the IWUF’s Olympic policy has involved the simultaneous promotion of Chinese cultural uniqueness and the detraditionalization necessary for alignment with Olympic standards. In other words, the global spread of wushu is not simply expansion; it is also curation.

The Tianjin opening ceremony seemed aware of that tension and attempted to resolve it aesthetically. One of the most striking examples was the use of humanoid robots alongside martial performance. That image condensed the argument of the entire event: wushu was being positioned not as a relic of the past, but as a tradition capable of entering the future without losing its identity. Put differently, the ceremony suggested that Chinese tradition and technological modernity do not oppose one another; they can be choreographed together. This is precisely the kind of symbolic work that soft power performs. It makes political and cultural claims feel natural, elegant, and desirable through spectacle and affect rather than through direct argument.

Still, reducing all of this to state strategy would miss something important. One reason wushu’s outward reach is so powerful is that it is not purely top-down. The globality on display in Tianjin was real. Athletes, coaches, judges, and families from across the world were not passive props in someone else’s narrative; they were active participants in a transnational physical culture that they have helped build through years of practice, travel, discipline, and affective attachment. Wushu’s soft power works not only because institutions project it, but because people across very different national and cultural locations genuinely find meaning in it. That is part of what makes it different from empty branding. Wushu is not simply being exported; it is being lived.

At the same time, PCS urges us not to romanticize circulation. We still have to ask whose version of wushu travels most easily, whose authority becomes institutionalized, which aesthetic values are rewarded, and what gets lost in the conversion of wushu into international sport. The point is not to dismiss the ceremony’s message of harmony, but to take it seriously enough to analyze it. Harmony is never politically innocent. Heritage is never simply inherited. The future is never neutral. When these values are attached to a spectacular global youth event, they become part of a wider politics of attraction.

That, to me, is what Tianjin ultimately revealed. The opening ceremony showed that wushu now operates simultaneously as sport, heritage, diplomacy, and cultural imagination. It staged wushu as a treasured expression of Chinese civilization while also offering it to the world as a language of youth, connection, and shared aspiration. Reading through a PCS lens, this matters because it shows how embodied practice can do political work without ceasing to be meaningful, moving, or beautiful. Tianjin did not merely celebrate wushu. It made a claim about what wushu can do in the world.

References

Arning, C. (2013). Soft power, ideology and symbolic manipulation in Summer Olympic Games opening ceremonies: A semiotic analysis. Social Semiotics, 23(4), 523–544. https://doi.org/10.1080/10350330.2013.799008

Dubinsky, Y. (2019). From soft power to sports diplomacy: A theoretical and conceptual discussion. Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 15(3), 154–164. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41254-019-00116-8

Grix, J., & Lee, D. (2013). Soft power, sports mega-events and emerging states: The lure of the politics of attraction. Global Society, 27(4), 521–536. https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2013.827632

Han, Q., Theeboom, M., & Zhu, D. (2021). Chinese martial arts and the Olympics: Analysing the policy of the International Wushu Federation. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 56(5), 603–624. https://doi.org/10.1177/1012690220957177

Hargreaves, J., & Vertinsky, P. (2007). Introduction. In J. Hargreaves & P. Vertinsky (Eds.), Physical culture, power, and the body (pp. 1–24). Routledge.

International Wushu Federation. (2021). IWUF constitution. https://iwuf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/IWUF-Constitution2021.pdf

International Wushu Federation. (n.d.). About IWUF. https://www.iwuf.org/en/about-iwuf/index.html

Nye, J. (2017). Soft power: the origins and political progress of a concept. Palgrave communications, 3(1), 1–3.

Silk, M. L., & Andrews, D. L. (2011). Toward a physical cultural studies. Sociology of Sport Journal, 28(1), 4–35. https://doi.org/10.1123/ssj.28.1.4

Theeboom, M., Zhu, D., & Vertonghen, J. (2017). ‘Wushu belongs to the world.’ But the gold goes to China…: The international development of the Chinese martial arts. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 52(1), 3–23. https://doi.org/10.1177/1012690215581605

Tzeng, C.-C., Tan, T.-C., & Bairner, A. (2023). Responder or promoter? Investigating the role of nation-state in globalization: The case of China’s strategies in the global wushu movement. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 58(2), 308–327. https://doi.org/10.1177/10126902221096947

UNESCO. (2025, September 2). International Taijiquan Day. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000395327

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